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Joined 7 months ago
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Cake day: October 30th, 2025

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  • Currently we do not have a way to notify people of the status of their submitted edits. We are still working out some parts of the process of anonymous edit moderation and sometimes edits do linger in the queue for several days if nobody is available to check them (or if there isn’t someone available who feels confident to make a decision on a particular edit). If you want, you can tell me (here or in DM) what your edit was about, and I can see whether we can determine what happened with it.


  • Many people point to Loyal Citizens of Pyongyang in Seoul as being eye-opening for them.

    I recommend this podcast episode which is a panel discussion by anti-imperialist Korean diaspora who used to regularly travel to DPRK until the US banned travel to there in 2017: “KEEP: Stories from North Korea”. I think this one is good for getting some insight into the situation in DPRK in a down-to-earth way, as the KEEP panel is just sharing their personal experiences and interactions there, and with an anti-imperialist stance.

    Here are some mainstream liberal articles which aren’t the usual over-the-top atrocity propaganda, if you think she might be open to reading them. Though they are not the best, as they remain in a liberal framework, I feel they each touch on something which counteracts the usual narratives, or points out the dynamics of how these narratives are produced.

    mainstream articles with some quotes

    “Unreliable witnesses: The challenge of separating truth from fiction when it comes to North Korea” by Jiyoung Song, a former UN Consultant for the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The author writes:

    I have interviewed North Koreans as a North Korea watcher and human rights researcher since 1999. What I’ve found suggests there are issues with the current methodologies used in investigating North Korean human rights and serious ethical dilemmas many researchers have to deal with. […] North Korean refugees are well aware of what the interviewer wants to hear. Whether it is the UN COI, the US Congress or the Western media, the question has been consistent: why did you leave North Korea and how terrible is it? The more terrible their stories are, the more attention they receive. The more international invitations they receive, the more cash comes in. It is how the capitalist system works: competition for more tragic and shocking stories.

    In my 16 years of studying North Korean refugees, I have experienced numerous inconsistent stories, intentional omission and lies. I have also witnessed some involved in fraud and other illicit activities. In one case the breach of trust was so significant that I could not continue research. It affected my professional capacity to analyse and deliver credible stories in an ethical manner but also had a deep impact on personal trust I invested in the human subjects I sincerely cared about.

    And here is an article from Hankyoreh, south Korea’s top center-left liberal newspaper: “The insidious threat of fake news surrounding North Korea”, which says:

    Time and time again, conservative outlets and foreign media circulate and reproduce rumors based on questionable sources […] South Korean and overseas media have routinely collaborated to produce reports claiming that people had been “slain” or “purged” when they were actually perfectly fine. There tends to be a flow to the production, transmission, and propagation of this sort of fake news. The first report generally cites an “internal North Korean source” whose identity cannot be confirmed. Often, this is spearheaded by domestic news outlets like the Chosun Ilbo – but once the government or foreign news outlets like CNN become involved, the reports tend to take off like wildfire. The result is an endless feedback loop, where the claims of a “North Korean source (or defector)” are published in the domestic press and then the foreign press, then republished in the domestic press and echoed by the administration, politicians, and defectors in South Korea. Notably, retractions and apologies are rarely ever provided when the reports are shown to be false.

    And the case of Kim Ryun-hee: “A N. Korean mother’s quest to return home to Pyongyang”, a woman from DPRK being kept in south Korea against her will (she is not the only person in this situation):

    “… I’d been having problems with my liver, and I underwent treatment in Pyongyang. But when it didn’t get better, I decided to go visit relatives in China for two months to recuperate in May 2011. The hospital costs in China were so much more expensive than in North Korea. I worked at a restaurant in China to earn money to go back to North Korea, and that’s when I met the defection broker. They told me, ‘You can earn big money working in South Korea for just a short time.’ So I handed over my North Korean passport, and by the time I thought better of it, it was already too late.” […] In September 2011, Kim arrived in South Korea against her wishes, having been taken in by a defection broker. From her very first National Intelligence Service questioning upon her arrival, she has consistently demanded to be sent back, but her requests have been refused.

    There are many cases of north Koreans stuck in south Korea against their wishes, Kim Ryun-hee is just one well-known case. Generally they are under surveillance by south Korea’s intelligence services and get in trouble for publicly supporting DPRK, and some of them get framed, blackmailed, or tortured into producing false confessions of spying. A south Korean documentary called Spy Nation goes into detail about that. (Here it is on YouTube).



  • The African Liberation Reader is a three part compilation of writings from several liberation organizations in southern Africa. Angola is one of the countries focused on throughout. Prolewiki version: 1, 2, 3 (still being proofread but it’s basically readable and easily searchable) / PDFs: 1, 2, 3.

    Search these for Angola, MPLA, UNITA, FNLA, Agostinho Neto, etc. It’s also worthwhile to read some of the works in the compilation which aren’t specifically focused on Angola, as they can still provide good context for liberation in southern Africa and on the countries colonized by Portugal. The editors’ introductions to the chapters provide some overviews. Volume 1 starts with a chapter, “The Portuguese Empire”, the articles in that chapter would probably be a good starting point. Note, I am still learning about this and reading through this compilation myself so take my suggestions with a grain of salt.

    There are also some chapters on Angola in Dirty Work: The CIA in Africa.











  • You may want to look through this page and some of the sources there: https://en.prolewiki.org/wiki/Anti-base_movement (and of course, anyone is welcome to add missing examples to this page)

    I’m quickly writing much of this from memory so please double-check any claims I make here. The articles linked are not necessarily Marxist sources but just general sources touching on the issues mentioned. Here are some concerns in no specific order:

    Sovereignty, local law, and Status of Forces Agreements. Look into SOFAs and the legal impunity and privileges that they often confer on US personnel abroad. This results in a variety of issues such as US soldiers committing violent crimes against citizens without being held accountable, to things like contractors being able to enter the country with no inspections or visas, to certain facilities such as local airports becoming lily pad bases for US forces. Read: Why does the US have a military base in Ghana? for some examples. Read about extraterritoriality as the more general term for this kind of legal exemption and about “lily pad bases” for examples of de facto US bases which are not necessarily officially designated as such.

    War provocations. Countries become bases from which to launch attacks at US enemies, as well as becoming potential targets. People generally do not want their homes to become a launchpad nor target for wars between other countries. Read: Living at the tip of the spear: Guam and restraint.

    Health and environmental harm. Military bases are a risk to the environment, especially in colonized places where the occupying power has no real care to take any precautions to protect human health nor the natural environment. Read up on this case where jet fuel from a US military base in Hawaii leaked into the water supply and caused violent illness for thousands of people, and threatens to pollute the main aquifer of Oʻahu: How Hawaii Activists Helped Force The Military’s Hand On Red Hill. In fact, US military activity in the Pacific has regularly threatened aquifers, such as the US bombing range on Kahoʻolawe cracking the island’s sole source aquifer, making the island unable to hold fresh water anymore. Pollution from the RIMPAC exercises also litters the ocean with toxic substances, with the exercises including the practice of hauling old boats out to sea and torpedoing them until they sink and will leech various substances into the water. Also it should be noted that some of the supposed “environmental protection” laws that the US will put in place surrounding its bases are actually meant to disrupt local peoples’ access to subsistence fishing, traditional ecological practices, or other such activities, for example in the case of Diego Garcia the prevention of subsistence fishing would make it hard for the forcibly expelled population to return and sustain themselves.

    Destruction of cultural, historical, archeological, ancestral, and spiritual sites. Many US bases have been placed or are planned to be built on important sites which carry cultural or other significance to the local population. Even bases which are now closed have left behind unexploded ordinance and/or pollution which makes the areas unusable, inaccessible, or renders important sites desecrated or destroyed. Some examples I can think of at the moment are Makua Valley in Hawaii and Ritidian in Guam.

    Displacement from homes. People have frequently been displaced from their homes in order to construct bases, often by forcible expulsion and occasionally with the untrue promise that they would be allowed to return to the land eventually. There are many examples of this but forced expulsion in Vieques in Puerto Rico is one example, so is the case of the people from the Chagos Islands who were forcibly expelled and then dumped in another country to make way for the US-UK base at Diego Garcia. Read: Stealing a Nation and The Toxic Legacy of U.S. Foreign Policy in Vieques, Puerto Rico.

    Safety hazards. There are various cases of people being killed or wounded by errant bombs from US bombing ranges, such as in Korea and Puerto Rico. Read up on the Maehyang-ri Kooni Firing Range: Bombing ends, but village still not free from past. Residents of Maehyang-ri suffered deaths and lifelong injuries from errant bombs, extreme noise exposure, psychological damage, a heightened suicide rate, and pollution of the land and sea which harmed health and made their village’s fishing products undesirable. Unexploded ordinance also leaves behind a major hazard, making areas of an occupied country unsafe to enter for locals for many decades, such as with various sites in Hawaii mentioned before, but many other sites in many countries have faced this issue.

    Violent crimes. As mentioned before, SOFA agreements create impunity or near-impunity for US personnel. There are numerous cases of murders as well as killings by negligence, and sex crimes committed by US personnel. Read about the killing of Jennifer Laude in the Philippines (this is a Wikipedia link, I don’t have an article on hand), US military sex crimes in Okinawa, the two middle school girls run over by the US military vehicle in Korea. There is also this article, Welcome to the Monkey House, detailing the state-sanctioned brothels set up in south Korea for the benefit of the US military, with impoverished women and orphan girls coerced and trapped into living in zones surrounding US military bases as “sex workers” who would even be medicated, inspected, and tagged by the government to do this.

    I have certainly overlooked something here but I hope this gives you some jumping off points.





  • Currently reading:

    1. The Kaiser’s Holocaust: Germany’s Forgotten Genocide and the Colonial Roots of Nazism by David Olusoga
    2. Civilian-Driven Violence and the Genocide of Indigenous Peoples in Settler Societies by Mohamed Adhikari

    Reading these (among other things) as I am trying to expand the settler colonialism page on ProleWiki, focusing for the moment on the mechanisms of settler colonialism. So far I am only a few chapters into each.

    In the same vein, I recently read Late Homesteading: Native Land Dispossession through Strategic Occupation, which is a study of “homesteading” in the US, particularly the period where the bulk of settler expansion under the Homestead Acts took place, 1900-1930. The study asserts that this wave was driven by the strategic goal of having settlers physically occupying the land so it would make the “enormous and questionable land transfers” of the late 1800s much harder to reverse:

    quotes from Late Homesteading

    “We claim that the value of homesteading to the federal government always came from one key feature: homesteaders had to live on the land. When land was occupied, homes and barns were built, roads and stores arose, a certain type of development took place, and eventually population growth and cities made “going back” impossible. In the words of Justice Ginsburg, this would “…preclude the Tribe from rekindling embers of sovereignty that long ago grew cold.””

    [W]hy would the state be interested in allowing homesteaders on these lands rather than cash entrants? An alternative policy might have been to hold the lands until land values increased to the point where cash entrants were willing to purchase them, and thus avoid the dissipation of rushing. […] The answer is found in the signature characteristic of homesteading: occupation by actual settlers. Settler occupation disrupted tribal land uses, physical development, and infrastructure; it also created vested political interests in maintaining non-native settlement. These irreversible effects of settlement meant that even a future legal loss could only result in a payment to tribes, not the return of the land. This reduction of the tribal land base furthered federal efforts to continually diminish tribes’ sovereignty, which was inextricably linked to their ownership of the lands that comprised their territories (Carlos, Feir, and Redish 2022). By using homesteading to occupy these particular lands, any legal threats against dispossession became moot; any future court settlement effectively became a forced sale of the land. Thus, the federal state strategically allowed homesteading to continue in order to solidify the transfer of lands away from tribes. This strategy complemented the various political forces that wanted lands to remain in the hands of non-native settlers.


    In the past I was reading a bit of From the Barrel of a Gun: the United States and the War Against Zimbabwe, 1965-1980 by Gerald Horne. I’ll probably pick it up again at some point.